From Fatima Jinnah to today’s parliamentarians, women in Pakistan have always pushed back against exclusion. This piece explores three voices across generations on women’s political participation, cultural barriers, and the importance of male allyship.
“We cannot all succeed when half of us are held back” - Malala Yousafzai
Politics in Pakistan, as elsewhere, has largely been shaped in rooms where women were the exception, not the norm. Across Asia, patriarchal traditions and institutional inertia have often excluded half the population from public life. Yet women have always pushed back, reclaiming a space that was rightfully theirs, with men at times standing beside them.
This web story seeks to understand that journey across generations and genders: a veteran politician recalling past barriers, a younger parliamentarian reshaping political culture, and a women leader demanding full gender participation.
Pakistan has a history of powerful men and women standing side by side from the country’s earliest days. Fatima Jinnah, the sister of Pakistan’s founder Muhammad Ali Jinnah, mobilized women during the independence movement and later also challenged Field Marshal Ayub Khan in the 1965 presidential election.
Although she did not win, she gained support from both women and men across civil society and political ranks, showing that support for women’s leadership is not a novelty but part of Pakistan’s democratic DNA.
Decades later, Benazir Bhutto of the Pakistan People’s Party broke global barriers by winning the 1988 general elections and becoming the first woman to lead a Muslim-majority country. Her political journey, though marked by opposition, also included male colleagues and mentors who recognized that leadership is not gendered.
Across the region, younger voices and shifting expectations are now further reshaping the political landscape. Equality now demands structural access and shared influence, not symbolic inclusion. Women are building their own space—and their strongest allies are male politicians who stand beside them, not above them.
Setting the historical context, veteran politician and former Senate member Afrasiab Khattak recalls how the social structure of early Pakistan, which was dominated by traditional social norms, low literacy, and weak democratic institutions, delayed women’s participation in public life. He points to the 1973 Constitution as a turning point, which gave women not only the right to vote but also to contest elections. Subsequently, the allocation of reserved seats for women led to a gradual increase in female representation in federal and provincial assemblies, and eventually, in local governments. Khattak notes how these structural shifts began normalizing women’s presence in politics, helping to produce leaders like Benazir Bhutto, the first Senior Minister Begum Nusrat Bhutto (an office now known as deputy prime minister), the parliamentary leader of the Awami National Party, Begum Nasim Wali Khan, and others who emerged despite formidable resistance.
However, the real challenge lies in cultural aspects, Khattak says. Patriarchy, he explains, is not just ignorance. It is a deeply rooted system of control disguised as tradition, which has embedded itself within the corridors of parliament as well. It is reflected in the policies that emerge from these corridors and is ingrained in the minds of those who sit in them. He emphasises that real reform will require dismantling these habits of dominance both in public institutions and private homes. Changing this mindset, he argues, demands curriculum reform, public messaging, and a bold involvement from religious scholars who are willing to challenge the misuse of faith and incorrect Islamic interpretations to suppress women.
Khattak also warns against the lingering legacy of General Zia-ul-Haq’s military regime (1977–1988), which has institutionalized conservative religious and political policies within the state apparatus. Policies from that time, he says, pushed society backwards and introduced a culture of intolerance that still affects women and minorities. Khattak urges political parties to adopt clear agendas for gender equality in their manifestos, so that inclusion is not merely accidental but intentional. While social media and digital communication have empowered younger generations to speak out and stand for their rights, he reminds us of the backlash that still exists. Like every transformative movement in history, this one is also facing its share of challenges and resistance as it continues to grow. However, the challenge, he believes, is not to fear such resistance but to outlast it.
If Khattak represents the historical lens, barrister Aqeel Malik, a member of the Pakistan Muslim League (N), embodies the optimism of a new generation. Malik, 38, serves as Minister of State for Law and Justice, where he underscores the role male politicians must play in reshaping Pakistan’s political culture. Malik speaks candidly about the need to not only recognise the presence of patriarchy but to confront it actively. He highlights how younger parliamentarians have taken visible steps to uplift women. One example he offers is the recent internal election of the Young Parliamentarians’ Forum, where all male candidates withdrew their nominations to support the unopposed election of a female colleague.
"We did not want to just speak of supporting our female colleagues, we wanted to show it in action, where it truly counts," he reflects. For Malik, allyship must translate into action. He describes his involvement in Parliament’s Gender Mainstreaming Committee and how he advocated for female leadership across parliamentary forums. Some of the known special committees, bodies, and caucuses within the parliament are now headed by women parliamentarians, for example, the Parliamentary Caucus on Child Rights, the Women’s Parliamentary Caucus, the Special Committee on Gender Mainstreaming, and the SDG Secretariat. Malik sees this not just as a symbolic gesture but as an institutional correction. He insists that women must be part of real decision-making, with support that extends beyond words to resources, training, and inclusion in budgeting and party reforms.
However, Malik is also clear about the obstacles. He points out that even within progressive parties, gaining support for female leadership can be difficult. He notes that politicians often view each other as threats to be defended against; allowing women colleagues to rise can feel like ceding power in a zero-sum game. There is also suspicion and resistance rooted in outdated perceptions. However, he remains committed to challenging those views, particularly among older colleagues who, he suggests, may need to be sensitized. He proposes mentorship programmes and structured alliance networks among male parliamentarians, so that inclusion is not seen as a favour, but as a shared responsibility.
On the other side of the aisle, but united in purpose, Shahida Rehmani of the Pakistan People’s Party brings a seasoned perspective shaped by both experience and conviction. As secretary of the Women’s Parliamentary Caucus (a cross-party forum formed in 2008 to promote women’s role in Pakistan’s Parliament) she has witnessed both the quiet resistance and active collaboration that define gender politics in Pakistan.
Rehmani acknowledges that while some male colleagues support women’s leadership, many still prefer their role to be advisory rather than decisive. She is critical of the tendency to isolate women within the quota system and deny them full participation in party structures or even access to the development funds.
Under her leadership, the Caucus has become an engine of legislative change, what she calls “an organized weapon of resistance against patriarchal thinking”. From the Workplace Harassment Act to the recent Child Marriage Restraint Act, many of its legislative victories have come despite vocal opposition from far-right and religious parties. Rehmani notes that extremist narratives often target progressive legislation; yet the collective resolve of the Caucus, with backing from male allies in Parliament, has led to meaningful wins.
She explains how the Caucus has expanded its membership beyond females by forming a Friends of the Caucus group that actively includes male MPs. It has also launched the Male Champions of Gender Equality initiative to ensure men are not just supporters from the sidelines, but partners in strategy and advocacy.
Rehmani’s expectations from male colleagues are both direct and practical. First, she urges them to abandon the mindset that sees women on reserved seats as subsidiary. These women, she argues, carry the trust of the public and represent the hopes of millions of Pakistani women. Second, she calls for guarantees of representation, not just token seats or references in speeches, but real positions in political committees, boards, and party delegations. Lastly, she insists that male politicians must publicly defend and amplify women’s leadership, especially in the face of character attacks and media backlash, which women regularly face.
The issue, as Rehmani repeatedly asserts, is not just about fairness to women. It is about the survival and integrity of democracy itself. A political system that excludes half the population, she argues, cannot claim legitimacy. Democracy demands shared ownership, and that includes ensuring women are not only present in Parliament but fully empowered to shape its outcomes.
At the institutional level, reforms have begun to take shape. The Election Commission now requires parties to nominate at least 5% of women among their candidates. Parliamentary rules are evolving to reflect gender sensitivity, and committees across the board are becoming more inclusive. But these steps remain incomplete without a cultural shift within parties themselves.
All three voices converge on one point: This is not a one-time effort, but a generational struggle that demands courage, reform, and everyday advocacy. Women are not asking for space to be created for them. They are reclaiming what has always been theirs. The task before Pakistan is not simply to celebrate individual isolated successes or pass progressive laws. It is to change the political culture in a way that no woman’s voice is considered optional and no man thinks of allyship as extraordinary.
Though rooted in Pakistan, this story echoes across Asia, where many political systems continue to wrestle with gender, representation, and legitimacy. Pakistan’s experience makes clear that laws alone cannot deliver equality; it takes the will, especially from men in power, to reimagine the structures they inherit and share space meaningfully. The perspectives of veteran politicians, emerging leaders, and women parliamentarians collectively demonstrate that allyship is not a fleeting gesture but a lasting commitment.
After all, democracy is not built by one gender alone; it becomes whole only when women walk beside men, not behind them!
This web story is based on the interviews given by Afrasiab Khattak, Barrister Aqeel Malik, and Shahida Rehmani. The views expressed in this article are not necessarily those of FES.
Interviews conducted and the story written by: Muhammad Danial Daoud
Muhammad Danial Daoud is a law student currently interning at the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) Pakistan, where he contributes to research and projects on democratic governance, political inclusion, and gender equality. He has a keen interest in legal reform, public policy, and institutional development.
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